From shabiha to opposition activist – LCCs as counter-state – divisions among Syria’s Kurdish parties?‎ – Media Roundup (30/04/2013)

The New York Times published an article demonstrating what Syrian civil society is ‎capable off. The leading question thereby is: Is the rift between Assad supporters and ‎opposition activists’ irreconcilable? ‎ The article traces back the story of the 17-year old Abu Rami who was a supporter of ‎Bashar Al-Assad and “killed countless times for […]

The New York Times published an article demonstrating what Syrian civil society is ‎capable off. The leading question thereby is: Is the rift between Assad supporters and ‎opposition activists’ irreconcilable? ‎

The article traces back the story of the 17-year old Abu Rami who was a supporter of ‎Bashar Al-Assad and “killed countless times for the Assad government.” ‎
His motive for joining the paramilitary unit “shabiha” was for revenge as his friend was ‎killed by rebels. For his jobs, he is paid 215$ a month. “A confirmed kill earned a bonus ‎of 2,000 pounds.” Not to forget, the Shabiha militia is considered as an agent of the ‎State, having committed crimes against humanity. ‎

Abu Rami then came to reconsider his role, when his older brother convinced him to ‎take part in the workshop of the B.S.S, an abbreviation for the organization “Building ‎the Syrian State”. This organization was founded by Louay Hussein and tries to remove ‎Assad by political and not military means. The aim of the workshop is to bring together ‎people from different views and engaging with them in open discussions on citizenship. ‎Workshops are run by approximately 25 social activists. ‎

In the end Abu Rami, whose brothers are comprised of an army officer and a B.S.S ‎activist, joined the group in order to support these activities. In his own words, Abu ‎Rami claims: “They won’t stop fighting until their last breath.” But “the life of a person ‎isn’t worth the cost to buy a bullet,” he added. “I ended up tired of killing.”‎

Arguing that it is important for outsiders to look at “how, why and when opposition ‎groups in civil war engage in civilian governance”, Shelley Deane on OpenDemocracy ‎points to the overlooked factor of civilians who are caught within the struggle.‎

She outlines the shifting of the Syrian conflict from a peaceful revolution to a violent ‎‎“civil war”, concentrating on the struggle over resources, sectarianism and economic ‎insecurity. Concluding, Deane highlights how the local councils are a “counter-state”. ‎Understanding why Syrians in civil war engage in civil governance is an important ‎aspect and provides insight into the motives of the opposition. Therefore outsiders ‎who wish to engage in Syria must recognize and acknowledge their role to understand ‎the current situation in Syria. ‎

Meanwhile ‘the Guardian’ interprets the attack on Syria’s prime minister Wael al-Halki in two ‎different ways. Al-Halki was the victim of an attempted killing by a car bomb in the ‎Mezzeh district of Damascus which is a severely controlled district by the regime. On ‎the one hand, the attack can be seen as a demonstration of strength by the opposition. ‎Thereby, it shows how close they can get to the regime. On the other hand, it is very ‎possible that this attack is staged by the regime itself to “fuel international fears about ‎the rise of extremism in Syria.” Indeed, it is suspicious that right after the attack, ‎ambulances, helicopters and state TV rushed to the area. From past attacks, one knows ‎that this is what happens when the Regime is involved in attacks. ‎

In the Kurdish areas, a deeper rift between Kurdish parties is becoming evident. As ‘ARA news’ reports, ‎Ibrahim Bero, leader of the Yekiti party, claims that the PYD (believed to be closely ‎linked to the PKK in Turkey) legitimizes itself by imposing its will on certain areas. In ‎numerous efforts to hold negotiations, the PYD seems to only boycott meetings. A ‎recent statement by the Massoud Barzani, President of autonomous region of ‎Kurdistan reveals that the current division among Kurdish parties in Syria could be ‎transformed. Thus, Barzani declared that he “will not accept the domination of a sole ‎political power on the entire Kurdish region in Syria”. In how far this has further ‎implications on the ground is still not foreseeable. ‎